Auction 32

The Jewish State (Der Judenstaat), A New Way of Solving the Jewish Question – by Dr. Theodor Herzl, translated with special permission from the author by Michal Berkowitz. Tushiyah Publishing, Warsaw, 1896 – first Hebrew edition.

First Hebrew edition of Theodor Herzl’s renowned work “The Jewish State”, addressing the Jewish question and the need for a national-political solution. Herzl wrote the book during long nights in his apartment in Vienna, as waves of antisemitism surged all around him – from the Dreyfus Affair in Paris to the pogroms in Eastern Europe. Clinging firmly to his vision and refusing to succumb to the prevailing narrative, Herzl wrote: “No wealthy or powerful individual can transfer an entire people from one place to another. Only an idea can do that. The idea of a state surely has such power; the Jews have dreamed this dream throughout their long exile. Our ancient slogan is: ‘Next year in Jerusalem.’ Now we must show that this distant dream can be transformed into a clear and brilliant idea” (The Jewish State).
The book is the most foundational historical document in the history of political Zionism. Herzl argued that the solution to the “irresolvable antisemitism” in Europe lay in the vision of establishing a sovereign Jewish state, which he outlined here in great detail. He believed that if an international Jewish movement were to be organized, such a state could be established through diplomatic agreements with the great powers. Upon publication, the book caused a major stir. Most public figures – both Jewish and non-Jewish – dismissed it as nonsense, and many harshly criticized it. “No man in Vienna, ” claimed writer Stefan Zweig, “was ridiculed as much as Herzl.” Despite the criticism, the book’s publication quickly led to concrete outcomes, most notably the founding of the First Zionist Congress just one year later. Herzl transformed from a private writer-journalist into the leader of the most influential global movement in 20th-century Jewish history.

“The Jewish State” was published as part of the Sifrei-Am (People’s Books) series by Tushiyah Publishing, in the same year the German edition appeared. Originally, the book was published in a single volume along with Knesset HaGedolah, or, The Second Congress in Basel, edited by Nahum Slouschz. Tushiyah Publishing, Warsaw, 1898. Present copy includes The Jewish State only, without the additional texts or the publisher’s book list that appeared in the combined edition. The “Jewish State” itself is complete, including the rear wrapper.

[1] leaf (title page), 2, IV, 82 pages. Unbound. Stapled. Good condition.

A handwritten letter signed by Ze’ev Jabotinsky, sent to the director of the Finance Department of the movement’s leadership in London. In his letter, Jabotinsky outlines the path for building an organizational and financial infrastructure for the Revisionist Zionist movement in Europe, explaining that the formal structure of the political leadership must be based on an efficient, independent economic mechanism, otherwise it will collapse. Undated. (C. 1930s). In German.

The wording of the letter:
“To the acting director of the Finance Department,
Office, London,
Dear Dr. Danzen,

In the absence of Dr. Weil, who is devoted to the best of his ability but cannot on his own handle the preparations for the “Reger” project, I am sending you this memorandum regarding the plan to establish the financial system.
The future of our entire movement depends on the organization of the finances. The financial organization constitutes the principal foundation of all activity. There is no other foundation that can take its place. We are facing success or failure. We will not be able to achieve our goals if we do not succeed in establishing a collection system from the field. It is no longer possible to rely solely on the formal structure of political leadership – An independent economic mechanism must be established, one that has full authority from the movement, and a clear path must be opened for coordinated relations with the World Union of the New Zionism.
Such a mechanism must be established immediately – the first step must already be taken in Prague. Responsibility for this matter must be entrusted to the Finance Department while maintaining the greatest possible flexibility, but with clear accountability and precise management. In this way, we will be able to transfer powers to the regional centers, especially to the central branch of N.Z.H. (Organization of Revisionist Zionists), as well as to the Charashah Department (apparently a code name or an internal department). In order to promote the matter – a special committee must be established in Prague, whose task will be to work with the existing network and send people from it into the field with clear orders. Particular attention must be given to the regional centers and explain to them that they are now obligated to enter the process of financial consolidation, and if not – powers must be revoked from them. Any region that is unable to ensure a sufficient foundation will not be able to belong to the movement.

With regards,
Z. Jabotinsky”

Ze’ev Jabotinsky (1880–1940), a statesman, writer, journalist, and leading Zionist figure, was the founder of Revisionist Zionism and the Zionist Revisionist Organization (Hatzohar). In the years preceding the outbreak of World War II, Jabotinsky led an intensive political campaign to establish a Jewish state in the Land of Israel “at the earliest possible time, ” and adopted a firm stance against the leadership of the Zionist Organization, which he regarded as overly conciliatory. With the rise of the Nazi threat and growing antisemitism in Europe, Jabotinsky dedicated significant efforts to establishing a centralized organizational infrastructure for his movement in the Diaspora, particularly focusing on institutionalizing the movement in London and across Europe. He aspired to create an independent and functioning financial system that could support political activity, self-defense, and national education. During these years, he solidified his position not only as an ideological leader but also as an administrative one, and advanced the initiative for Jewish enlistment in the British army—an idea that materialized through his efforts to establish the Jewish Legion. Concurrently, he attempted to organize an emergency operation for mass immigration to the Land of Israel, contrary to the policy of the British White Paper. In 1940, in the midst of these efforts, he died suddenly in New York. Nonetheless, his vision and path laid the ideological and institutional foundation for the creation of the Herut movement and later the national Likud bloc in the State of Israel.

[1] Leaf. Written on both sides. Fold marks and reinforcements with paper tape adhesions. Throughout the letter, Jabotinsky edited the original text, and even struck out several words. Good condition.

“Most of the gangs of murderers and terrorists were sent from the Gaza Strip… In places where the UN should have intervened in the Middle East in accordance with UN laws, it did not do so, and where there is no need, it tries to interfere…” – INTERNATIONAL LAW OR ANARCHY IN THE MIDDLE EAST – Policy statement delivered by Israeli Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion before the Knesset, on January 23, 1957. Printed and published by the Information Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and printed at the Government Printing Office in Jerusalem. In English.

Full transcript of the statement by Israeli Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion regarding UN involvement in Middle Eastern affairs following the Sinai War. In his speech, Ben-Gurion criticizes the United Nations for its failure to demand that the Arab states, Egypt, Lebanon, Jordan, and Syria, uphold the Armistice Agreements they had signed in 1949, despite repeated violations: “Once again, Israel has discovered, to its sorrow and astonishment, that the UN institutions have consistently ignored these violations of the Armistice Agreements and of the UN Charter.” He further states that when the Arab states organized an economic boycott against Israel, the UN again failed to fulfill its duty as stated in the first article of the UN Charter: “To achieve international cooperation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural nature.” Ben-Gurion also adds that the UN did nothing in response to the hostile acts committed against Israeli citizens since the establishment of the state.

Ben-Gurion continues, expressing his views on the governance of the Gaza Strip and rejecting UN intervention in the area—words that could almost have been written today: “The Gaza Strip, which was never Egyptian territory and was occupied by the Egyptian invaders in 1948 in violation of international law, served over the years as a springboard for aggression against Israel. Most of the gangs of murderers and terrorists were sent from the Strip… From the Gaza Strip, Fedayeen units were dispatched into Israel, and gangs of murderers and saboteurs were also organized in other Arab countries… The situation in the Gaza Strip is unique, and no UN force, by its very nature, will be able to prevent the organization of Fedayeen by the Egyptian authorities in this area and their deployment within Israeli territory. The entry of a UN force into the Strip will lead to a deterioration in the security situation of the Israeli settlements along the Strip, and in fact, throughout the limited territory of Israel… Israel has no intention of maintaining armed forces in the Gaza Strip, but for the sake of the residents of the area and their neighbors beyond it, Israel must remain in the Strip, while establishing an appropriate relationship between the Israeli administration and the United Nations. The administration will maintain internal security in the Strip through a police force, will continue to develop self-government among the population in towns and villages, and will continue to provide public services in the areas of health, education, electricity, irrigation, communication, agriculture, commerce, and industry. Israel will make every possible and necessary effort to lift the 60,000 destitute residents of the Gaza Strip from their current miserable condition and help ensure them proper living conditions and a reasonable standard of living… The Gaza Strip has been a critical point in terms of security, the ongoing economic crisis of its residents, and the refugee problem. An Israeli administration, with the assistance of the UN, will be able to resolve all three issues. Instead of continuing the nightmare that prevailed under Egyptian rule, the Gaza Strip can become a beacon for the entire region. For the first time in eight years, there is peace in the Strip and its surroundings, and mutual assistance exists between our southern villages and the Strip. For the first time in eight years, economic development projects are being carried out… The restoration of Egyptian influence—either directly through the return of the Egyptian army, or indirectly with the entry of UN marines, may block and cancel all constructive prospects, and the Strip will revert to chaos…”.

In his speech, Ben-Gurion calls on the UN to cooperate with the Israeli interest for the benefit of all the peoples of the region, in order to prevent a new conflict in the Middle East and to ensure the establishment of genuine peace, out of the understanding that only Israeli control over the Gaza Strip would guarantee both peace and Israel’s ability to defend itself when necessary.

Following the Sinai Campaign in 1956, the State of Israel found itself in a complex position: on the one hand, a clear military achievement—the capture of the Sinai Peninsula and the Gaza Strip; and on the other hand, unprecedented international pressure, primarily from the United States and the Soviet Union, demanding immediate withdrawal from all the territories that had been captured. During the operation, Israel entered the Gaza Strip, an area that until then had been under Egyptian control and was inhabited almost entirely by a Palestinian population, many of whom were refugees. The Israeli military administration that entered Gaza encountered hostility, local uprisings, and at times even acts of terror by local forces. Despite Israeli attempts to stabilize the area, the atmosphere in Gaza remained tense, and Israeli control over the Strip was perceived as temporary, even by the government in Jerusalem.
Under pressure from the international community, and particularly in response to an American ultimatum that included threats of economic sanctions, Israel decided to withdraw from Gaza and Sinai in early 1957. The rationale behind agreeing to the withdrawal was the receipt of assurances—primarily from the United States and under UN auspices—that the maritime routes in the Gulf of Eilat would remain open, and that UN forces (UNEF) would be deployed in the Gaza Strip and Sinai to prevent a renewal of hostilities. Prime Minister Ben-Gurion did not hide his dissatisfaction with the outcome: he argued that the world was demanding that Israel pay a price for defending itself, while Arab acts of aggression were met with indifference. In this state of affairs, Ben-Gurion conveyed the Israeli message: either the world would uphold the rule of international law, or it would allow a descent into anarchy in which Israel would be forced to act alone—and the words seem as though they were written today.

14 pages. Very good condition.

“Declaration” – “The United Nations Organization has decided to partition our homeland… In the Land of Israel there will be two Arab states, and no more than 14 percent of the homeland’s land will be allotted to the Jewish state… The partition of our homeland is illegal. It will never be recognized.” A particularly harsh poster issued by the Irgun (Etzel) in response to the UN resolution to end the British Mandate and establish two independent states in the Land of Israel a Jewish state and an Arab state (the Partition Plan). Kislev 5708 – November 1947. Printed in blue ink.

In the poster, the organization accuses the Jewish Agency of “leading the people from one downfall to another for a quarter of a century, ” and of signing “a deed of abandonment for the homeland’s land and the future of the nation.” It further declares, in the name of the divine promise given to the father of the nation, in the name of all the heroes of Israel throughout the generations, in the name of the martyrs, in the name of the prisoners of Zion, and others, that any signature, by institutions or individuals, on the “partition contract” is devoid of all validity, and that it will not bind the people of Israel.

The nation of Israel, the poster proclaims, will continue the struggle for the liberation of its land. The declaration concludes with the statement:

“The whole Land of Israel will be returned to the People of Israel forever.”

Size: 50×36 cm. Fold mark. Good – very good condition.

“To the People and to the Youth!” A forceful double-sided proclamation issued by the Irgun organization against those calling for peaceful means and negotiation to achieve the goals of Zionism, and in support of intensifying the armed struggle, through which alone the homeland will be attained. Adar 5707 (March 1947).

“Within besieged Zion, the men of impure anarchy once again attempt to raise their voice and incite civil war. They – who lied to themselves and deceived the people, they – who erred and misled, dragging us from disaster to disaster…” The proclamation accuses the hypocrites who, with their words, call for struggle against the British occupier, but when he strikes them, they run to Paris and London to try to gain achievements through negotiations. These hypocrites claim that the Irgun’s attacks provided the enemy with a pretext to impose martial law in Eretz Israel, and the text rebukes them: “Indeed, an interesting argument. If so, one must say… the Greeks’ refusal to surrender to Mussolini gave him a ‘pretext’ to go to war against Greece. The partisans’ war against the Nazi invader throughout Europe gave Hitler a ‘pretext’ to persecute the subjugated population in the occupied countries…” It continues, stating that “these crooked minds… do not understand that we are engaged in a war of life or death, a war for the very existence of our people, and that in this war many sacrifices must be made, and we must suffer inhuman torment.” It further argues that had it not been for the Irgun’s path of war: “within two or three years they would have crowned the Mufti as president of the ‘Palestinian state’…” and that the Irgun’s war is what saved the Jewish people from despair, and it is what will bring victory. It concludes: “We believe!”

The proclamation was published in the final months before the end of the British Mandate. During this period, the Irgun was in the midst of its armed struggle against the British, continuing alone in direct attacks against the Mandate authorities, particularly targeting British military, police, and transportation infrastructure, while at the same time suppressing any internal opposition to the armed struggle, as demonstrated by the proclamation before us.

[1] Printed leaf, double-sided. 33×22 cm. Tear with slight loss and minor damage to two words on the verso of the proclamation. Apart from that, good condition.

“Fighters for the Freedom of Israel demand: Expel the foreign agents from our land!” – A particularly forceful broadside issued by the Lehi (Lohamei Herut Israel) organization, calling for the expulsion of the British “observers–spies” from Eretz Israel, and personally attacking Count Bernadotte, described as “a blatant British agent, whose role is to continue Bevin’s blood-soaked game of neutrality.” June, 1948.

The broadside states that the purpose of the truce is to nullify the achievements of the Hebrew armed forces, and that the truce regime is intended to restrict the sovereignty of the State of Israel and to establish a supreme Anglo-American regime in the country. It further attacks Count Bernadotte, declaring: “Bernadotte’s insolence is increasing: our country has been flooded with observer-spies who are mapping our positions and handing them over to the enemy.” “At the command of his British masters, Count Bernadotte is demanding the cessation of immigration, dictating the type and quantity of immigrants, and organizing a global blockade of the State of Israel.” The broadside concludes with the call: “Expel the foreign agents from our land!”

The term “truce” mentioned here refers to the first truce of the War of Independence, which came into effect on June 11, 1948, and lasted for four weeks, until July 8, 1948, shortly after the establishment of the State of Israel. The first truce was achieved under pressure from the UN Security Council and the UN mediator, Count Folke Bernadotte, who served as a go-between for the young State of Israel and the Arab states. The aim of the truce was to allow a ceasefire for humanitarian purposes, to enable civilian and military organization, and to lay the groundwork for future political negotiations. Lehi claimed that the truce was a “new Anglo-Saxon tactic”, that is, a political maneuver by the British and their allies, intended to strengthen the Arabs, weaken the Jews, and prevent the continuation of the war, whose objective was the expulsion of the British and the consolidation of the newly born State of Israel. A few months later, on September 17, 1948, Count Bernadotte was assassinated in Jerusalem by a Lehi cell. Bernadotte was considered by Lehi members to be a threat to the future of the State of Israel, primarily due to his political proposals, which included, among other things, placing Jerusalem under international control and the return of Arab refugees. The assassination was carried out in broad daylight in the Katamon neighborhood, by a squad led by Yehoshua Zettler. The killing provoked widespread international condemnation, and Lehi was outlawed. The Provisional Government of Israel expressed regret over the act and took measures to dismantle the organization, many of whose members later joined the IDF.

Size: 48×32 cm. Fold marks. Good condition.

Collection of 38 “Yediot” Issues – “The Committee of the Hebrew Community in Jerusalem, ” published in the city in the midst of the War of Independence during the siege and the battles in the Old City – typewritten and mimeographed. Rare.

Issues No.: 1–8, 10–13, 15, 17–18, 25–48. January–March 1948.

The issues provide ongoing reports on decisions made by the Committee of the Community regarding how to address the challenges of the time, particularly the organization of the Jewish community in Jerusalem in the defense of the Jewish Quarter in the city: “The Old City is our primary concern. It also demands extensive and continuous attention, and its condition compels us not to let go of the demand to rescue it from our besieged brethren… the cruel siege separates families, destroys lives, and cuts us off from the most sacred place.” Regular reports appear on living conditions in the Old City under siege, updates on general mobilization orders due to the mounting tension, ongoing notices about shipments of essential food supplies into the Old City, information about wounded individuals injured in various streets across the city, the operations of the municipal police, and decisions made during community meetings. Issue No. 18 is a special edition reporting the establishment of the “Jerusalem City Police.” There are also reports on the bombing of the Community Committee building itself – “Hebrew Jerusalem is a target of deadly bullets… the walls of the Community Committee were pierced by numerous bullets, clearly originating from the roof of the Generali Building…” (Issue No. 25), concern for the Jewish residents of the Katamon neighborhood who lived beyond the fence, expedited burial arrangements for fighters fallen in battle, reports from the Jerusalem train station where railway workers were afraid to report to duty due to Arab workers attacking Jews “when the opportunity presented itself, ” documentation of the Kimcha DePischa campaign to assist in providing matzot and kosher food ahead of Passover, and more.

Also included is, a special proclamation issued by the Community under the title “To the Residents of Jerusalem” on March 4, 1948, following the intensification of attacks by the Arab enemy. It states: “To the Residents of Jerusalem! The enemy’s aim is to annihilate us and our hope alike. Our response to the murderous attacks will be: full mobilization of a large Jewish force, trained and equipped, with complete fortification of every outpost in the Yishuv and in besieged Jerusalem with all its neighborhoods…”. The proclamation called upon the city’s residents to urgently contribute to “the War Fund – the war of the Jewish people for its land, the Land of Israel.”

The Committee of the Hebrew Community in Jerusalem (Va’ad Ha’ir for the Jews of Jerusalem) operated from 1917 to 1948. It was an important central body that included both Ashkenazim and Sephardim and united under its framework most of the Jewish communities and factions in Jerusalem during the British Mandate in the Land of Israel. It was continuously engaged in addressing the essential needs of the Jewish community in the city. Elections for committee members were held every four years, and voting rights were granted to every Jew aged 20 and above who had resided in Jerusalem for at least six months. To be elected as a committee member, a candidate had to be at least 25 years old and have lived in Jerusalem for no less than 12 months. In the 1940s, the Committee’s offices were located on HaHabashim Street, where the city’s Haganah headquarters would later be established. The Va’ad Ha’ir coordinated between various entities in Jerusalem in order to advance Jewish interests in the city. The Committee played a central role in Jewish affairs in Jerusalem: liaising with the British authorities and in municipal elections, organizing the Mahane Yehuda market, establishing a social bureau and welfare institutions, aiding refugees during the riots, organizing neighborhood security, founding a unified religious council, instituting comprehensive burial reforms and founding cemeteries on the Mount of Olives and in Sanhedria, as well as overseeing a naming committee for the city’s streets. During the War of Independence, most of its activities focused on “first aid” and assistance to Jews under relentless attacks by the Arabs. Its operations concluded with the establishment of the State of Israel and the founding of the Jerusalem Municipality.

Each issue consists of one page, typically (some are two pages). Overall very good condition.

Collection of 11 “Kol Tzfat” sheets published in the midst of the battles of the War of Independence in Safed during the months of April – May 1948. (Includes all issues published except for the final issue – the day of the liberation of Safed).

Issues 1–10: January – May 10, 1948, and a special edition printed in gold on May 10, 1949 – a special publication marking the anniversary of the liberation of Safed.

Among the issues is a sheet featuring the special announcement “To Our Arab Neighbors”, which included an open call for peace: “We are neither conquerors nor invaders, not imperialist bloodsuckers draining the lifeblood of nations. We have returned to our ancient, historic homeland, stolen from us by the hand of an ancient invader. We will rebuild it from its ruins. We will bring life to its desolation. We love our homeland with a deep, boundless love… Our faithful hand, holding the weapon, is extended in peace” (Issue VIII). Also included is the issue reporting on the immigrant ship “Mishmar HaEmek”, which arrived in Haifa carrying 785 immigrants who had been deported to Cyprus, and more.

The newspaper Kol Tzfat was published by order of the city’s commander, Meir Meivar, out of fear of a mass exodus of Jews from Safed during the war. The newspaper’s writers were housed in the Haganah headquarters, and between January and May 1948 they printed eleven issues filled with militant messages directed at the residents of Safed. The issues played a major role in calming tensions within the Jewish community and disseminating essential information during the fierce battles.

General condition good.

A rare and high-quality collection gathered over many years by a single collector – the handwritten signatures of all 37 signatories of the Declaration of Independence of the State of Israel, as signed at the official ceremony proclaiming the establishment of the State. The signatures appear on various letters and documents, including early and important correspondence, some of which were signed years before the Declaration of Independence. For many of the signatories, more than one signature is included, and among the items are also complete early letters in their handwriting, in addition to their signatures.

The thirty-seven signatories of the Declaration of Independence were members of the People’s Council. Twenty-five of them signed the Declaration at the official ceremony held on Friday, 14 May 1948 (5 Iyar 5708), eight hours before the end of the British Mandate over the Land of Israel. Eleven members, who were unable to travel from besieged Jerusalem to the ceremony, as well as a representative of Agudat Yisrael who was then in the United States, added their signatures at a later date. Presented here is a complete historical collection, assembled over many years, consisting of official letters and documents signed over the years by all members of the People’s Council who signed the Declaration of Independence – without exception. For most signatories, the collection includes more than one signature, and even entire handwritten letters bearing both their handwriting and signature.

Here is the detailed breakdown:

David Ben-Gurion – Signed letter regarding assistance to the Elikand family to leave the Soviet Union, November 1962.

Daniel Auster – Six signatures: signature on an early power of attorney document from July 1927, signature on an early check from 1930, signature on a letter concerning the Women’s League for Israel (1960), and three additional signatures on letters of recommendation from the 1960s.

Mordechai Bentov – Signature on official letterhead while serving as Minister of Housing, November 1969.

Yitzhak Ben-Zvi – Two signatures: signature on an early letter from March 1937 concerning the publication of his book series Divrei Yemei Am Yisrael, handwritten letter with his signature regarding assistance to a Jewish woman in Poland.

Eliyahu Berligne – Signature on an official document of the National Committee regarding support for the educational enterprise in Eretz Israel “at this grave hour”, dated December 7, 1941, also includes a letter written by representatives of the National Committee to Eliyahu Berligne on Purim 5701 (1941).

Peretz (Fritz) Bernstein – Five signatures: a printed letter with his handwritten signature from the time of the War of Independence concerning the appointment of a liaison officer in Haifa (April 1948), a congratulatory letter on the occasion of a friend’s wedding (August 1946), his signature on official letterhead of the “General Zionists Union in Eretz Israel” in a letter dealing with the question of appointing a supervisor over the general schools in Eretz Israel – April 1946, and two early handwritten letters bearing his signature.

Zev Wolf Gold – Two signatures: an early handwritten letter on official letterhead of the Jewish Agency, dated 21 Iyar 5713 (1953), regarding a scholarly Jew from the Mizrachi movement, and another signature on a Jewish Agency for Eretz Israel document concerning the “Book of Volunteering” – “toward the national defense of Israel’s independence in our state” – September 1949.

Meir Grabovsky – Two signatures: an early handwritten letter concerning arranging work for a chalutz, and a printed letter with his handwritten signature on official letterhead of the National Committee – August 1946.

Yitzhak Gruenbaum – Five signatures: an early letter with handwritten annotations and signature on official letterhead of the Hebrew State Party, dated April 12, 1934, concerning a humiliating incident involving a Jewish refugee from Germany who was told upon arriving at an immigrant absorption center, “You have no right to be here, you’re a parasite” – Gruenbaum inquires whether the details are accurate and requests assistance for the immigrant, a signed letter on official letterhead of the Zionist Executive from May 1941 regarding support for a loan fund for veteran Zionists, a handwritten and signed letter to Kaplan Hospital, a handwritten and signed letter regarding his attendance at a friend’s wedding, and his signature on an official Jewish National Fund document – May 1952.

Avraham Granovsky (Granot) – Three signatures: his signature on an early Jewish National Fund document in Czechoslovakia concerning an immigration permit for Mrs. Margit Cohen – June 1927, a handwritten and signed congratulatory letter – Tammuz 5710 (1950), and his signature on a stock certificate of the Jewish Colonial Trust.

Eliyahu Dobkin – Four signatures: an early handwritten and signed letter on official letterhead of the Executive Committee of the Histadrut regarding the promise made by Edwin Samuel (son of High Commissioner Herbert Samuel) for a “quick resolution of the matter” – November 1935, his signature on a joint document with other signatories concerning the appointment of Mrs. Neumark as an educator in a school operated by HaAliyah – December 1935, his signature on a document from the Aliyah Department concerning books for the HeHalutz library – May 1946, and his signature on a letter dealing with safety arrangements in the building of the Institute for Youth Movement Leaders from Abroad – October 1949.

Meir Vilner – Signature on official Knesset letterhead – October 1989.

Zerach Warhaftig – Signed official document concerning the composition of the Religious Council in Tel Aviv – May 20, 1964.

Herzl Vardi (Rosenblum) – Two signatures: his handwriting and signature on a first day cover envelope commemorating the issue of the Herzl postage stamp, and his signature on official letterhead of the newspaper Yedioth Ahronoth, where he worked for many years as a journalist.

Rachel Cohen – Two signatures: her signature on official letterhead of the National Committee, in a letter concerning the visit of Dr. Katznelson to youth institutions, and her signature on an early check dated October 20, 1940.

Kalman Kahane – Two signatures: a signature on official letterhead of the Poalei Agudat Yisrael organization in Eretz Israel regarding the “Gemul” company – May 1958, and a letter (on official Knesset letterhead) dealing with the role of Israel Meir Sagi in the Yom Kippur War, signed by Kahane – Hanukkah 5736 (1976).

Saadia Kobashi – Three signatures: a long and interesting handwritten letter with his signature – in the letter, Kobashi addresses Mr. Liva’i, director of the Yemenite Talmud Torah, requesting that he recommend him using the following phrasing, which Kobashi drafted himself: “Mr. Saadia Kobashi HaLevi served as secretary of the dining hall attached to our school from Monday, Tevet 2, 5697, until Kislev 15, 5698. He fulfilled his duties with integrity and loyalty. I hope, sir, that you will fulfill my request.” In this letter, Kobashi signed twice – once with his full name, and again at the bottom with his initials – Kislev 7, 5697 (1937). He also signed a certificate from the National Committee – Department of Education from his time serving as a teacher in the department – 14 Tammuz 5702 (1942).

Yitzhak Meir Levin – Two signatures: an early handwritten letter with signature – a congratulatory note to a friend on the occasion of his son’s wedding – 5694 (1934), and a signed letter addressed to the Mayor of Bnei Brak, Yitzhak Gerstenkorn, on official letterhead of the World Agudat Yisrael Organization.

Meir David Lewinstein – Five signatures: an early handwritten letter in a foreign language with his signature – August 1936, his signature on an early check from Barclays Bank – May 1946, a handwritten and signed letter – August 1946, his signature on the “Blue Card” – a social welfare initiative for new immigrants – February 1942, and his signature on a receipt from Sheli Palestine Ltd.

Zvi Luria – Two signatures: an early signature on official letterhead of the National Committee for the Assembly of Israel concerning support for building a school in the country – September 1935, and an early handwritten and signed letter regarding Hanukkah celebrations at the Great Synagogue in Ra’anana – 25 Kislev 5700 (1940).

Golda Meir (Meyerson) – Early signature under her maiden name Golda Meyerson on official letterhead of the Histadrut – a letter concerning the expulsion of a student from the nurses’ school at Beilinson Hospital – July 1939.

Nahum Nir-Rafalkes – Two signatures: an early signature on official letterhead of Rafalkes as an attorney – regarding a certificate of inheritance – June 15, 1931, and a signature on an official document issued by the Association of Hebrew Lawyers in Tel Aviv – October 1942.

Zvi Segal – Signature on an official document of the Union of Revisionist Zionists in Eretz Israel, concerning the appointment of a special committee to investigate the financial conduct of the organization – November 1947.

Yehuda Leib HaCohen Fishman – Two signatures: an early handwritten and signed condolence letter (undated), and an early signed letter from Tevet 5684 (1924) regarding members of the Mizrachi circles in Tel Aviv who may be able to assist with the United Israel Appeal (Keren Hayesod) fundraising campaign.

David Zvi Pinkas – Four signatures: his signature on an official document from the Chamber of Commerce in Austria – October 1934, an early letter on official letterhead of the Tel Aviv Municipality – June 1937, his signature on official letterhead of the Tel Aviv Religious Council in a letter concerning a complaint from a kashrut supervisor – November 1940, and a handwritten and signed letter regarding assistance in finding housing for the Printz family – Kislev 5709 (1949).

Aharon Zisling – Two signatures: a handwritten and signed letter to Zvi Laban on official letterhead of the Ein Harod Art Museum, in which Zisling demands that Laban fulfill his promise to support the museum – March 1956, and his signature on a letter regarding Bnei Akiva youth clubs – 1961.

Moshe Kolodny (Kol) – Four signatures: his signature on a letter regarding the publication of manuscripts by Mr. Glikson – August 1941, a congratulatory letter to Meir Avner on his 70th birthday, on official letterhead of HaOved HaTzioni – September 1942, his signature on a typed letter from the Working Settlement Movement – August 1953, and a handwritten and signed New Year’s greeting – August 1960.

Eliezer Kaplan – Two signatures: his signature on a Jewish Agency for Eretz Israel national loan certificate – Tel Aviv, June 1948, and a signed letter from his tenure as Israel’s Minister of Finance, in which Kaplan urges Mr. Santo to strengthen his support for the young State of Israel – October 1951.
Avraham Katznelson – Two signatures: a handwritten and signed note in response to a letter from Chaim Berlin, and his signature on an official document of the National Committee concerning support for social institutions.

Felix Rosenblüth (Pinchas Rosen) – Four signatures: his signature on an official document submitted to Anglo-Palestine Bank regarding changes in the management of the newspaper Haaretz – September 1936, his signature on an early receipt from 1939, his signature on a document of the Friends of Scouting Association in Israel during his time as president of the association – a fascinating letter sent to Dr. Y. Prader, discussing the development of the Hebrew scouting movement and requesting his support for this significant initiative – May 1964, signed in his hand.

David Remez – Three signatures: an early handwritten and signed letter regarding the Frumin controversy – April 1933, an early handwritten and signed letter sent to Mr. Zamora concerning the examination of attorney Shmuel Friedman – July 1936, and a signed document from the Mivnim company.

Berel Reptor – Three signatures: an early handwritten and signed letter on official letterhead of the Histadrut regarding decisions made by the Haifa Workers’ Council – Av 5683 (1923), a handwritten and signed letter regarding the commemoration of Sh. Yavneh-Ali – June 1961, and a handwritten and signed letter of congratulations to the director of Mivtachim.

Mordechai Shatner – His signature on an official document of the Economic Corporation for Jerusalem Ltd.

Ben-Zion Sternberg – His signature on an official document of Lishkat Hermon – March 1956.

Bechor-Shalom Sheetrit – Two signatures: his signature on an official document issued by the Sephardic Community Council of Tel Aviv concerning the elections for the Chief Rabbinate – October 1960, and a handwritten and signed letter on official letterhead of the Ministry of Police – December 1965.

Moshe Shapira – Six signatures: an early handwritten and signed letter – January 1936, a signed early letter concerning HeHalutz – August 1938, his signature on a joint document (with other signatories) inviting Mrs. Neumark to work as an educator in a HaAliyah institution – December 1935, an early handwritten and signed letter (undated), his signature on a letter addressed to Rabbi Tzvi Yehuda HaCohen Kook regarding the inauguration of the new premises of Merkaz HaRav Yeshiva – July 1964.

Moshe Shertok (Sharett) – Three signatures: his signature on official Jewish Agency letterhead – May 1933, a handwritten and signed letter in which Sharett objects to formal meetings being held at Café Hermon, written on official Jewish Agency letterhead, and an early handwritten and signed congratulatory letter.

Also included in the collection: first day covers commemorating 25 years of the State of Israel, featuring the iconic photograph of David Ben-Gurion reading the Declaration of Independence at the ceremony; printed versions of the Declaration of Independence in both English and Hebrew; printed photographs of Ben-Gurion; various first day covers with portraits of the signatories of the Declaration; an official invitation to the POW Exhibition, where Meir Grabovsky spoke – May 1946; an official invitation to a gathering at the “Beit Brenner” club with the participation of Golda Meir – 1960; two letters signed by Attorney General Chaim Cohen; a letter signed by Cabinet Secretary Ze’ev Sherf; and additional items.

The collection is preserved in a binder. Overall very good condition.

A moving farewell letter sent by David Ben-Gurion to outgoing Chief of Staff Mordechai Maklef on the occasion of his discharge from the IDF – typewritten on official Prime Minister’s letterhead and signed in Ben-Gurion’s own hand. Jerusalem, 29 Kislev 5714, December 6, 1953.

In his letter, Ben-Gurion writes: “To the Chief of the General Staff, Lieutenant General Mordechai Maklef. It is with deep regret that I part from you today, even before my own departure from the Israel Defense Forces. I owe you a profound personal debt of gratitude, for having obeyed me despite your own will and inclination and accepted upon yourself to serve for at least one year as Chief of the General Staff. Yet this gratitude is but a small part of the debt that the entire nation owes you for your blessed service over the past seventeen years, since you were a sixteen-year-old youth: in the Haganah, in the Jewish Brigade during the World War, in the rescue of the surviving remnant of European Jewry and Aliyah Bet, and again in the Haganah and finally, in the Israel Defense Forces, from battalion commander to Chief of the General Staff…”.
Ben-Gurion continues, detailing Maklef’s public service and contributions—his role as a young volunteer in the Jewish Battalions, his service in the Jewish Brigade, his position as HISH battalion commander in Haifa in 1947 and during the War of Independence: “As commander of the city sector, you had the privilege of playing a decisive role in the liberation of the country’s main port city during the final battle between the Haganah and the Arab gangs in April 1948,” his part in Operation Hiram and the battles for the liberation of the western Galilee, and finally his role in building the IDF during the early years of the state, when he served as assistant and senior partner to Chief of Staff Yigael Yadin. Ben-Gurion concludes on a personal note: “And I am deeply, deeply saddened by this parting, ” and blesses him: “May you succeed in all your future endeavors, as you have succeeded until now, and may you be a blessing to the State of Israel.
With appreciation and affection,
D. Ben-Gurion”
Prime Minister and Minister of Defense.”

Mordechai Maklef, the third Chief of Staff of the IDF, served from 1952 to 1953, appointed by Ben-Gurion. Known as a determined, quiet, and efficient leader, he was professionally and personally close to Ben-Gurion, who admired his intelligence and modest, direct approach. Under Maklef’s command, the IDF began taking shape as a structured and organized regular army, with the foundations for long-term planning laid. Despite his brief tenure, his close cooperation with Ben-Gurion made a significant contribution to the early development of the Israeli military.

4 pages. 28 cm. Filing holes. Good condition.

Haggadah of Passover According to a New Version. Published by the “Socialist Pamphlet Association” (Sotsialistisher Broshurn Farein) – New York, 1894. Published by Arbeiter Zeitung. A non-traditional early Haggadah of exceptional rarity – a socialist version. New York, 1894 – only edition. In Yiddish.

A socialist Haggadah that criticizes class divisions—particularly the upper classes—and calls for an equal distribution of the workday and of property. This is achieved by replacing traditional Haggadah passages with satirical and critical texts.
In place of the traditional “Ma Nishtana” appears: “Father, I will ask you four questions: What has changed? How are we different from Shmuel the manufacturer, Meir the banker, Mizrach the merchant, Todros the rabbi?… They have grand palaces, adorned and furnished with all sorts of things, many beautiful rooms simply standing empty beside them, while we lie together in a pit – and they want to throw us out of that as well… They eat a good meal, drink a fine glass of wine, and go to sleep in a soft and warm bed, and we are doing just fine, we are merely saving ourselves for a nap on a pile of hay, so that we can rise again soon for work…”. In this same spirit, the Haggadah tells the story of the brothers Shmuel the industrialist and Meir the banker, “All the days of your life are the nights when you must work in the blacksmith’s factory…” Throughout the Haggadah, the message appears that all people are born equal, that labor is true freedom, and entire sections are dedicated to denouncing class distinctions in society. In place of Pesach, Matzah, and Maror, we find: “Murder, Burden, and Bitterness.” Also: “In every generation, a person must see himself as equal among equals.” The Nishmat Kol Chai prayer is replaced with a call to workers: “Awaken!” The hymn Vayehi Bechatzi HaLayla is replaced with a poem calling on humanity to cease committing murder, and Echad Mi Yodea is reimagined in socialist spirit: “Six times a week, a worker is squeezed dry, ” “Thirteen I know… the capitalist system is enough for thirteen thousand villages…”.
The Chad Gadya hymn is replaced by Chad Ovadya, a satirical version criticizing inequality through a distorted chain of events beginning with the burning of a banker, continuing with the consumption of a lender, and passing through the naïve laborer, and more.

In 1894, a Yiddish newspaper titled Dos Abend Blatt was launched, a socialist Yiddish daily in New York that developed out of the weekly Di Arbeter Tzaytung. Likewise, the publisher of Arbeiter Zeitung issued additional Yiddish socialist/labor-oriented newspapers operating in New York.

The Haggadah is bound together with several other rare early Yiddish pamphlets printed in New York at the end of the 19th century. Each publication has its own separate title page:

וואס הייסט נשמה אדער … דער חלום… מאת י. ל. פרץ,
פראצענטניק אדער דיא וועלט קעהרט זיך איבער מאת יעקב טער,
דער פארשטע לטער חתן אדער החתונה אויף א גילעכטער איין זייער אינטריסאנטער ראמאן,
דער יודישער מוזשיק מאת מ. ספעקטער,
אידישער מיניסטער ליפפאלר,
קלוג אונד משוגע אדער דער אבגענארטער חתן,
גליקליכע פער אדער דיא כלה האט א טעות געמאכט,
רייכער חתן אדער דיא פערלאזענע כלה,

It is extremely rare to find a non-traditional Haggadah in this spirit already in the 19th century. This Haggadah does not appear in the National Library of Israel.

15 [1] pages. Lightly brittle brown paper. Good condition.

Untraditional illustrated Haggadah, stencil-printed – Ihud HaBonim, Cycle 22 – undated (circa mid-1940s). Includes numerous sections dealing with pioneering, the Zionist struggle against the Arab enemy, the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, and more. In French. On the back of the Haggadah appears: “Ihud HaBonim, Cycle 22”, along with the names of its authors: Hakhon lemadrekhe and Lehoutz Laaretz.

The Haggadah opens with spring-themed passages and excerpts from the traditional Haggadah. It continues with an introduction referring to the Seder night as celebrated within the youth movement: “On all other nights of the year, we sit at the family table, separated from one another; tonight, we all sit around the same table – members of our movement, from the youngest to the oldest, to sing of the Exodus from Egypt.” There are passages addressing the struggle for a Hebrew state: “On all other nights of the year, we worry about our future and our struggle in the Diaspora; on this night, our participation in building the state and realizing our ideal feels very close to us.”

The Four Sons section is also framed around the fight for independence: “The wise one – what does he say? Why must we fight and struggle for our independence? Why such stubbornness? And you shall answer him… because freedom is the most precious possession of our people, and every Jew must feel obligated to fight for it… To the one who does not know how to ask, tell the story of our people, from the Exodus from Egypt to the establishment of the State of Israel. You shall say to him: we were slaves and now we are free. Explain to him about two years of hope and despair, two days of rebellion, and two moments of heroism…”. Later in the Haggadah appear sections devoted to the events of the Holocaust and, in particular, the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, in which members of HaBonim actively participated: “Now it is clear to us that what happened exceeded all our expectations. Thanks to our resistance, we accomplished something beyond our abilities. Our forces are dwindling. We are on the verge of annihilation. Twice we forced the Germans to retreat, but they returned with reinforcements. Overall, our achievements were not great, and this is the result… The last aspiration of my life has been fulfilled: Jewish self-defense became a reality; resistance became a fact. How happy I am to have been among the first Jewish fighters in the Warsaw Ghetto.”

Likewise, passages appear documenting the role of the Bonim in the war against the Arab enemy: “The tank was still approaching. It was about to enter Degania, to loot everything, to destroy everything… What could we do against this blind, unconquerable iron monster? What could we do with our few improvised rifles? It had to be stopped at any cost… Then a boy came out of the trench, a grenade in his hand. He climbed onto the tank, opened the hatch, threw the explosive inside, and jumped out…”. As well as passages dealing with the Zionist vision: “A homeland is not granted, it is not acquired by privilege or political agreement, it is not purchased with gold, it is not conquered by brute force. A homeland is built with the sweat of one’s brow. A homeland is a historical creation, the collective labor of a people, the result of physical, spiritual, and moral work over generations. A people has the right to say ‘this is my land, my homeland’ only after it has created a state of its own. The land is a gift of nature. The development of the land and the creation of livable conditions are the mission of the chalutzim – pioneers of labor, construction, and science; they are armed with unwavering will and conscious of their historical mission; they are capable of tying their fate to an ideal and are ready to sacrifice themselves for the realization of their aspirations…”, and more. The Haggadah concludes with the words: “Next year in the working settlement.”

49 pages. Very good condition.

Obrigkeitliche Verordnung und Gebrauchsvorschläge dienstamer Mittel gegen die Hornvieh-Seuche Polizey-Anstalten – “Official Regulations and Recommendations for the Use of Effective Remedies Against the Cattle Plague” issued by the administrative authority in Frankfurt – including antisemitic regulations prohibiting the entry of Jews, described as “disease carriers” into the cattle fields of Frankfurt and its surroundings. Frankfurt am Main, 1777. In German.

Among the many regulations established, addressing attempts to prevent the spread of diseases transmitted by animals (primarily cattle), appear antisemitic clauses stating that Jews are carriers of disease, since they are said not to keep their distance from sick cattle and often present themselves as cattle doctors in the stables of German towns: “Among other precautionary measures, such as preventing the entry of the sick into the country, it is also important that people who handle sick cattle not be allowed to enter the stables, where most often are found veterinarians, blacksmiths, and Jews . It is not uncommon for people who offer treatment to animals to wander through the countryside, offering their services and boasting to unsuspecting farmers of their so‑called successful treatments, or even rushing into stables uninvited, examining the animals and engaging in all sorts of deceit in order to earn a few coins. Such people are doubly despicable and truly dangerous. For, on the one hand, it seems their resources amount to little or nothing, and thus the costs are wasted in vain ; on the other hand, one of them may have just come from a place where cattle mortality is at its height, placing a person in clear danger of bringing the disease to his own herd instead of finding relief. Jews who deal with cattle are to be excluded in the same manner and kept away from the stables, for it cannot be known whether they have recently been in contact with sick cattle, and thus might spread the disease to an entirely healthy place…”.

In addition, the regulations explicitly prohibit hosting outsiders in the stables, forbid driving cattle to communal pasture, and ban the import of milk, butter, or cheese from areas affected by disease. They also include guidelines on how to clean the cattle, preferred feeding practices during illness, instructions for isolating diseased animals from others in their vicinity, and more.

At the end of the 18th century, the Frankfurt am Main region and its surroundings were struck by a deadly cattle epidemic, most commonly identified as an outbreak of rinderpest, a highly contagious viral disease that devastated herds and caused widespread mortality. This outbreak was considered a serious economic and social threat, as cattle were a major source of milk, meat, and employment. Local authorities, including the Frankfurt city council, implemented a series of emergency regulations—these included quarantines of infected areas, restrictions on the movement of wagoners and cattle traders, and the destruction of herds suspected of carrying the disease. As noted, the regulations also warned against allowing Jews into the fields, claiming they were unhygienic and spread disease.

16 pages. Thick paper. Good to very good condition.

Five issues of the French newspaper Le Grelot (The Bell), all featuring antisemitic covers dealing with the Dreyfus Affair. Years: 1896–1899. All the covers are hand-colored lithographs (from the editions supplied to prestigious subscribers or for display in shop windows).

Issue No. 1328: September 26, 1896, titled DREYFUS À CAYENNE – “Dreyfus in Cayenne” (Cayenne – the capital of French Guiana, near the “Devil’s Islands” where Dreyfus served his sentence). The cover features a cartoon expressing a sharply anti-Dreyfus stance, with clear antisemitic motifs. The cartoon depicts Dreyfus on the penal colony on Îlot du Diable (Devil’s Island). Figures dressed in stereotypical “Jewish attire”, long noses, beards, urban clothing, are attempting to bribe the soldier guarding Dreyfus. In the “Jew’s” hand is a bag of money labeled: “1 million de marks” – a clear reference to the age-old accusation that Jews use money to buy power, justice, and the military. The guard, however, heroically rejects the bribe – he holds a rifle, signals “stop, ” and defends the rule of law. In the background, Dreyfus, with stereotypical facial features, waves in greeting to those attempting to help him through bribery. The caption at the bottom: Une monnaie qui ne passe pas – “A coin that doesn’t pass (isn’t accepted).” This is a play on words: both a literal reference to the rejected money, and a critique of the attempt to “pass off” guilt through bribery.

Issue No. 1388: November 14, 1897, titled ENCORE DREYFUS – “Dreyfus Again.” A distinctly anti-Dreyfus cartoon criticizing Scheurer-Kestner for his attempt to bring the affair back into public discourse. It was published during a particularly sensitive period – November 1897 – just before the case exploded again in the public sphere, and precisely when voices were beginning to emerge publicly in favor of Dreyfus’s innocence. At the center of this effort stood Auguste Scheurer-Kestner, Vice President of the Senate, one of the first establishment figures to believe Dreyfus had been wrongly convicted and to act in pursuit of the truth. Scheurer-Kestner is depicted as a carpenter or metalworker emerging from a dilapidated workshop (with a sign identifying him as: “Saw-cutter Officer – Vice-President of the Senate, Retailleur de Scies”). He is sharpening a sword using a giant saw labeled “Affaire Dreyfus” – “Dreyfus Affair.” A distorted, jumpy figure representing the anti-Dreyfus public appears terrified by the revival of the affair in public debate. The caption at the bottom reads: “De grâce ! M. Scheurer-Kestner, débinez-nous votre truc et que ça finisse !…” – “Please, Mr. Scheurer-Kestner, just drop your little trick and let this whole thing be over!” A cynical plea that reflects the sentiment many (especially on the anti-Dreyfus side) felt at the time: they were weary of the affair’s repeated return to the spotlight and wished to see it dismissed without seeking justice.

Issue No. 1391: December 5, 1897, titled LE SYNDICAT DREYFUS – “The Dreyfus Syndicate.” This issue was published about two weeks before the release of Émile Zola’s famous article “J’accuse!” in January 1898. At the time, a small but growing group of intellectuals, politicians, and journalists had begun to support Dreyfus, demand justice, and challenge the ruling of the military court. Their opponents mockingly referred to them as “Le Syndicat Dreyfus” – essentially a “Jewish lobby” or a self-serving gang of defenders. In the background, a fence is visible with soldiers guarding Île du Diable – Devil’s Island, the penal colony where Dreyfus was imprisoned. A group of zealous Dreyfus supporters is shown carrying the key to his release toward him – among them are Émile Zola and Scheurer-Kestner. The caption at the bottom: “La clef de la situation” – “The key to the situation” – is a double entendre: both the literal key to Dreyfus’s release and the metaphorical key to understanding the entire affair – a pointed jab implying that this “syndicate” is manipulating events behind the scenes. Here, the group of Dreyfus supporters is portrayed as an organized collective (like a guild), forcefully attempting to break through the gates of justice and free a traitor – all while disregarding the law and the truth.

Issue No. 1479: August 13, 1899, titled LES ACCUSÉS – “The Accused” (ironically). The cartoon was published during Dreyfus’s retrial in Rennes, at a time when public opinion was beginning to recognize that Dreyfus was innocent and that his conviction had been built on forgeries and the deliberate concealment of evidence by senior figures in the French military. The illustration presents three “accused” figures, each shifting the blame onto the others: Ferdinand Esterhazy – depicted as a ridiculous military clown, holding a document that reads “the bordereau was written at his instruction, ” thus indirectly admitting guilt as the true traitor. He also holds other scandalous letters linking him to further embarrassing affairs. General Mercier – shown in a frightened, caricatured manner, pointing in both directions in a desperate attempt to avoid responsibility. He carries folders of secret documents – the same ones that were presented in Dreyfus’s trial without being shown to Dreyfus himself – a symbol of the corrupt mechanism behind his conviction. Alfred Dreyfus – seated aside, quiet and downcast, holding the document that falsely incriminated him. In contrast to the others, he is not portrayed as absurd but drawn with restraint – clearly conveying the message that he is the true victim. The caption beneath the cartoon: “C’est lui, toi ou moi!…” – “It’s him, you or me!…” highlights the mutual accusations and the total lack of accountability among all parties except Dreyfus. A fierce critique of the evasion of truth within the military and judicial establishment, the cartoon exposes the vast gap between the true culprits and the man sent to prison – pointing a clear finger at those who chose cover-up over justice.

Issue No. 1489: October 22, 1899, titled: Liberté, Égalité, Fraternité (“Liberty, Equality, Fraternity”) — the official motto of the French Republic, presented here with blatant irony. October 1899 was shortly after Dreyfus’s retrial in Rennes, which ended with another guilty verdict, this time with “mitigating circumstances, ” followed by a presidential pardon. This pardon provoked tremendous outrage — Dreyfus’s opponents saw it as a “surrender to foreign forces” or to Jewish/foreign influence. In the cartoon, a group of joyful “escapees” is fleeing from prison – LOUBET – French President Émile Loubet opens the prison door and allows everyone to escape. L’ALLEMAND DREYFUS – Dreyfus himself is portrayed as “the German, ” a reference to his alleged espionage for Germany, mocking him through his identity. The others, Belgians, Germans, Italians — flee without hindrance, perhaps even receiving pardons, despite being “not one of us”: LE BELGE RORIQUE – an anti-clerical Belgian journalist named Rorique, an avid Dreyfus supporter widely published in France. L’ITALIEN GILETTA – Gilètta was an Italian satirical cartoonist who published pro-Dreyfus caricatures. On the left, a typical French figure is tied up with ropes labeled: discipline, military service, taxes, levies, fines, and more. The caption at the bottom: “Et le Français, le voilà! Contribuable et soldat. Mais, qu’il se permette une observation, il va en goûter de la grâce… avec un manche de pelle!” – “And the Frenchman, there he is! Taxpayer and soldier. But should he dare make a remark, he’ll get a taste of grace… with a shovel handle!” – referring to the poor, law-abiding, tax-paying Frenchman.

Le Grelot – a French satirical newspaper, originally Republican and anti-clerical, edited by Arnold Mortier, published continuously from 1871 to 1903. Le Grelot’s stance during the Dreyfus Affair was clearly anti-Dreyfus, satirical, and at times even antisemitic. The newspaper portrayed Dreyfus in line with the stereotypes of a foreign Jewish traitor, mocked his supporters as stubborn intellectuals or agents of a political “syndicate, ” and harshly criticized any attempt to reopen the trial. The cartoons published between 1896–1899 reflected the views of the military and conservative establishment, using mocking visual devices aimed at undermining the credibility of the innocence campaign. Each issue consisted of four pages and featured a large, color cartoon on the front page. It was a Republican and anti-Communard newspaper, frequently subjected to censorship lawsuits. The main illustrators were: Bertall, Henri Demare, Alfred Le Petit, Hector Moloch, and Pépin. Initially, the paper held distinctly Republican positions, but over the years became increasingly reactionary, antisemitic, and anti–Freemason and clergy. Since its founding in 1871, Le Grelot published approximately 2,000 issues.

Five issues. [Four pages in each issue]. 48×34 cm. All issues are complete and in very good condition.

THE FIRST VISIT TO CAPTAIN DREYFUS ON DEVIL’S ISLAND – front page of The Examiner newspaper, Sunday, December 18, 1898, San Francisco. A rare and moving journalistic account describing a historic visit to Devil’s Island, where the Jewish-French officer Alfred Dreyfus was imprisoned. Extremely rare.

Subheadline: By Dr. Leon Berthaul, who saw and spoke with the most famous prisoner in the world since Napoleon. The French physician Dr. Leon Berthaul visited the prison where Dreyfus was held at the time, after being summoned to examine the medical condition of inmates following a yellow fever outbreak in the area. Upon his return, he reported on the harsh conditions under which Dreyfus was being held, this being one of the only known firsthand accounts of Dreyfus in prison, documented in real time. Berthaul describes Dreyfus’s prison conditions as extremely severe: Dreyfus was chained to his bed at night, permitted only a few hours during the day to enter a tiny enclosure surrounded by a fence so high he could not see the ocean, and was forbidden from speaking to anyone. He describes his health as “poor”: “During our first visit to Dreyfus, we were accompanied by Mr. Verignon, the prison director. We found the prisoner suffering from a liver disease, anemia, and other conditions due to nervous depression and improper nutrition. I felt the prisoner’s pulse and at the same time managed to whisper to him that I would accept a message from him if I could.” At that time, Dreyfus was also experiencing the onset of malarial fever, which the doctor believed could become serious if untreated. However, Berthaul adds: “The spirit of his faith is preserved by belief in the eventual success of the efforts to free him.” And further: “I can say here that the doctors were the only people in the prison who cared whether Dreyfus lived or died, ” he writes. Regarding the surroundings, he adds that a tower with a guard stationed at its top—armed with a cannon – overlooks Devil’s Island to prevent any escape attempts.

At the top right appears a chronology of key events in the Dreyfus Affair up to that time. At the center is an engraved illustration of Dreyfus, captioned:
“Captain Alfred Dreyfus, photographed by the French police immediately after his degradation.” Additional engravings include: Dreyfus’s prison cell, showing an armed guard constantly at his side, captioned: “Dreyfus confined in a hut, with a soldier and sword watching his every move.” The corner of the hut where Dreyfus sleeps. The fortress on Devil’s Island, captioned:
“Walled enclosure in which France’s famous prisoner is confined”
(This refers to the barrier built specifically to prevent Dreyfus from seeing the ocean). The armed watchtower, built to prevent escape

54×41 cm. Front page only – mounted on a hard backing for display and preservation. Slight edge tears. Good condition.

Volume incorporating all issues of the anti-Semitic, anti-Dreyfus weekly Psst…! Published by Librairie Plon, Paris, February 1898 to September 1899. First and second years, all 85 consecutive issues (no additional issues were printed). French.

“Psst…!” – an illustrated magazine founded by Jean-Louis Forain and Caran d’Ach (pen name of Emmanuel Poiré). A French weekly that regularly published anti-Semitic caricatures at the height of the Dreyfus affair against Dreyfus and his supporters (many caricatures mocking Émile Zola) and condemning the Jews. Published in a fixed format of four full pages of venomous anti-Semitic illustrations. The various issues feature hundreds of anti-Semitic illustrations by Forain and Caran d’Ach. These illustrations are considered the most fierce anti-Semitic publications released during the Dreyfus affair. This newspaper did not feature any articles or essays; it consisted solely of illustrations accompanied by captions. The newspaper was founded for one purpose – to strengthen Dreyfus’s guilt and defend the army’s honor. The newspaper’s main thesis was the claim that the Jews, Émile Zola and Germany conspired together to demand a retrial, for that purpose the caricature appearing on the cover of the first issue already depicts a Jewish banker with stereotypical features shouting in a heavy German accent “Ch’accuse” playing on “J’Accuse” as he drops his letter into the mailbox to the President. (Similarly on the title page of issue no. 12 an illustration of Émile Zola waving a newspaper bearing the title “I accuse” opposite a German soldier) The newspaper ridiculed many of Dreyfus’s supporters including Zola, Joseph Reinach, Scheurer-Kestner, Brisson and Picquart. The last issue was published on September 16, 1899, a week after Dreyfus was convicted again at the Rennes trial, because at that time Forain believed the newspaper had achieved its purpose.

In response to Psst…!, Dreyfus’s supporters created their own competing satirical weekly called Le Sifflet which began publication on February 17, 1898, questioning the credibility of many Dreyfus opponents including Ésterhazy, Du Paty de Clam, Cavaignac, Rochefort and Drumont. Le Sifflet ceased publication on June 16, 1899 after seventy-two issues, two weeks after the Court of Cassation decided by majority vote to retry Dreyfus, and three days after all charges against Lieutenant Colonel Picquart were dropped. The two weeklies used grotesque visual imagery for propaganda purposes, creating a pictorial war of words between the two camps.

85 bound issues, 40 cm. Wear to the cardboard cover. The sheets are in very good condition.

Three antisemitic posters from the series Musée des Horreurs – “Exhibition of Monsters” / “Museum of Horrors” – The Dreyfus Affair. France, 1900.

Poster No. 13: Ranc le Caïman – “Ranc the Caiman” (Caiman – South American crocodilian) – issued January 1900 – Senator Arthur Ranc depicted as a half-man, half-caiman monster. Louis-Ernest Ranc (1831–1902) was a journalist, politician, and an influential senator during the French Third Republic. A figure of the radical left, he was a vocal supporter of Dreyfus and aligned with journalists like Émile Zola and other leading defenders of civil liberties. For his pro-Dreyfus stance, Ranc became a frequent target of ridicule and slander by the anti-Dreyfusard and nationalist camp. The pointed ears and sharp teeth in the caricature add a demonic dimension—not merely animalistic, but monstrous and satanic. (Poster preserved in protective plastic sleeve, removable for viewing).

Poster No. 15: Signe de Grande détresse! – “Sign of Great Distress!” – issued January 1900 – Republican statesman Henri Brisson depicted as a bear, wearing a Freemason’s chain with a chamber pot engraved inside a triangle. On June 26, 1898, from the podium of the National Assembly, Brisson made a symbolic gesture toward Freemasons (often associated with Jews in antisemitic rhetoric), urging Freemason deputies to vote confidence in the government of Pierre Waldeck-Rousseau. his poster mocks his Freemason and pro-Dreyfus sympathies, portraying them as degrading and shameful.

Poster No. 18: Il n’est pas Protestant – “He is not Protestant” – issued February 1900 – Ludovic Trarieux depicted as a goose or duck, with his distinctive head, thick moustache, gaping mouth, foam at the corners of his lips, and a confused or agitated expression. Ludovic Trarieux (1840–1904) was a jurist, republican politician, and the founder of the French League for the Rights of Man in 1898 – at the height of the Dreyfus Affair. He served briefly as Minister of Justice in Waldeck-Rousseau’s government (1895), resigning due to disagreements. A staunch Dreyfus supporter, Trarieux championed justice, human rights, and the rule of law. For the anti-Dreyfusard and nationalist right, Trarieux symbolized the “hypocritical” lawyer, placing universal ideals above national interest. In the anti-Dreyfus discourse of the period, Protestants were commonly associated with republicans, Freemasons, and sympathizers of the Jews. The caption “He is not Protestant” sarcastically implies that, though he presents himself as a righteous man, he is in fact part of the “conspiracy.”

The series “Exhibition of Monsters” (Musée des Horreurs) was published during the Dreyfus Affair under the pseudonym V. Lenepveu, and included 51 large posters featuring anti-Dreyfusard, antisemitic, and anti-Masonic illustrations. The series was issued in France over the course of about a year, from October 1899 to December 1900. The original plan was to publish 200 posters, but only 51 were ultimately released. The early posters in the series sold over 300,000 copies. In October 1899, the French police arrested several street vendors who were selling the posters, under orders from Police Commissioner Louis Lépine. According to some reports, Lépine ordered the cessation of their distribution following an appeal from Baron de Rothschild, who claimed the damage caused by their circulation was irreversible. In February 1900, local police sent letters threatening to revoke the commercial licenses of shopkeepers who continued to sell the posters, and from that point, their distribution ceased.

Identical size: 50×65 cm. Minor tears along the edges of the posters (reinforced with tape on the reverse). Good condition.

Le Traître!. Poster No. 6 from the Musée des Horreurs series [“Monsters Exhibition” / “Museum of Horrors”]. Paris, [1899-1900]. French. Hand-painted lithographic print depicting Alfred Dreyfus as a monster with a dragon body with aggressive snake heads. In the center of the dragon’s sticks a sword, with the inscription: “Le Traitre!” [The Traitor !, French]. Signed in print by V. Lenepveu. The poster was issued in November 1899 (About two months after Dreyfus was pardoned).

The series “Exposition des Monstres” (“Exhibition of the Monsters”) was published during the Dreyfus Affair under the pseudonym V. Lenepveu, and comprised 51 large posters featuring anti-Dreyfusard, antisemitic, and anti-Masonic illustrations. The series was published in France over the course of about a year, from October 1899 to December 1900. The original plan was to issue 200 posters, but only 51 were ultimately produced. The earliest posters in the series were sold in over 300,000 copies. In October 1899, French police arrested several street vendors selling posters from the series, under the orders of Police Chief Louis Lépine. According to certain reports, Lépine ordered the cessation of distribution following a request from Baron de Rothschild, who claimed the damage caused by their circulation was irreversible. In February 1900, local police sent letters threatening to revoke the business licenses of shop owners who sold the posters, and from that point, their distribution ceased.

50×65 cm. Minor edge tears. Good condition.

The Literary Digest, July 21, 1906 – New York – reporting in its main article on the final acquittal of Alfred Dreyfus, documenting the affair from its inception to its conclusion, including its severe implications for the phenomenon of antisemitism.

On July 12, 1906, after twelve years of legal and political struggle that shook France and all of Europe, the court annulled the previous verdict which had convicted Dreyfus of treason under extenuating circumstances, ruling that there had been no grounds for a retrial at all, and that he was entirely innocent. Following the final acquittal, an important article appeared in this issue of The Literary Digest, with a portrait of Dreyfus chosen to appear on the magazine’s cover.

The article opens by describing the dramatic moment in which the Supreme Court of France annulled the guilty verdict previously issued against Dreyfus“ one of the most amazing dramas of modern history” – and declared his full innocence. The writer views this acquittal not merely as the correction of a personal injustice, but as a “sweeping vindication of Captain Dreyfus as a martyr” and a “righting of an infamous wrong.” The article recounts the historical development of the affair: how in 1894 a letter was allegedly discovered, supposedly written by Dreyfus, containing classified information sent to the Germans; how Dreyfus was accused based on fabricated evidence; his deportation to Devil’s Island and imprisonment there under appalling conditions; and how a persistent struggle by his family, his lawyers, and prominent intellectuals – including Émile Zola, who leveled his accusations in the famous article “J’Accuse!” – led to the reopening of the case. (Interestingly, the writer quotes the New York American in this context, which referred to Zola’s death from inhaling fumes from a faulty coal stove, stating: “There is no doubt that the strain of the trial cost him his life.”). The magazine details the prevailing public sentiment in France over the years and the military establishment’s stubborn refusal to acknowledge its error. Only after a prolonged struggle, including the second Rennes trial in 1899 and a further partial acquittal, did Dreyfus finally receive a retrial and full acquittal in 1906.

Regarding the broader implications of the affair, the article states:
“Twelve years is a long time to await their grist of justice in a modern republic.” This important article also addresses the social and antisemitic dimension of the affair: how the fact that Dreyfus was Jewish played a decisive role in his conviction, and how a “syndicate of treason” emerged within the French establishment, spreading hatred and fabricating accusations against an innocent man. A sharp analysis further describes the affair as an “opera bouffe”, a ridiculous opera of intrigues, lies, and nationalist fears. The magazine also extensively quotes American and French press sources that harshly criticize the military establishment for its refusal to apologize, and for the inordinate delay in reinstating Dreyfus to the army.
“No court can ever erase the scars left by long years of persecution and suffering, ” it states.

In the accompanying photograph, Dreyfus appears with his wife and children, and he is quoted from the early days of the affair as saying:
“My heart will never be satisfied, ” Dreyfus once said, “while there is a single Frenchman who imputes to me the abominable crime which another committed.” The article concludes with reflections on the broader significance of the affair and the lessons that France, and the entire world ought to draw from it: the danger of antisemitism, the perils of an unchecked establishment, and the essential role of a free press in the pursuit of justice.

The writer concludes: “The Dreyfus Affair, ” despite its positive resolution, has left behind an indelible stain of disgrace on the shield of France and on the honor of its army. This is due primarily to the fact that the persecution of the young officer stemmed from the same fanatical hatred of Jews that prevailed among army officers in France as in other countries. Had Dreyfus not been an Israelite, he would never have become the victim of the scoundrel Esterhazy. It was the Jew, not the officer, who was the target of the persecution… Now, however, through his rehabilitation, the French Republic has done all it could to restore its standing in the eyes of the world.”

The Literary Digest – an American periodical published between 1890 and 1938. It gained prominence for its comprehensive surveys of American and international press, presenting a wide range of perspectives on topics such as politics, science, religion, culture, literature, and society.

[2] pp. 69–98 – Complete issue. Very good condition.

Six real-photo postcards from the honor ceremony held for Alfred Dreyfus to restore his military rank, in the courtyard of the École Militaire following his full acquittal in 1906 – at the exact location where he had been publicly humiliated twelve years earlier.

Postcards: A rare close-up photograph of Dreyfus speaking with Georges Clemenceau (Clemenceau was one of the leading supporters of Dreyfus throughout the affair, and played a key role in bringing justice. He was not only a politician but also a vigorous journalist who worked actively for Dreyfus’s exoneration through his newspaper L’Aurore, which published Zola’s famous article “J’accuse!”), Dreyfus exiting the building to take his place at the center of the ceremony, The honor parade during the ceremony, Following the decoration, Dreyfus speaking with General Gillain and Commander Targe, The honor formation from various photographic angles.

On July 12, 1906, the Court of Appeals annulled the verdict of the Rennes court. The following day, the National Assembly voted by majority to reinstate the officer ranks stripped from both Dreyfus and Picquart, additionally promoting Dreyfus to the rank of Major and awarding him the Légion d’honneur. On July 21, an official honor ceremony was held in the courtyard of the École Militaire, attended by military officials, his family, and close friends—as a direct counterbalance to the degradation ceremony that had taken place at that very spot 11 years earlier, when his ranks were stripped following his conviction for treason. With this, the affair that had shaken all of Europe for over a decade came to a close, with the complete triumph and vindication of the Jewish officer Dreyfus.

The postcards were not mailed. Overall condition: very good.

Portrait of Alfred Dreyfus – pencil on paper, signed “Tancrè”. France, first half of the 20th century.

Dimensions: 21×15 cm. Good condition.

Antisemitic figurine in the shape of an open-mouthed Jew used as a “swallowing” money box. [Canada, 19th century]. Cast copper.

Figurine in the shape of a Jewish head with an open mouth, protruding teeth, large ears, and one eye winking. On his head is a fig leaf instead of a kippah, inscribed with: London Canada, apparently referring to the city of London, Ontario, Canada. The open mouth is used for inserting coins in a way that prevents them from being removed – an allusion to the Jew who swallows money and covers his crimes with a fig leaf. The model before us bears no manufacturer’s name, but it is identical to a figurine produced by the company Schäfer & Vater, which operated in Rudolstadt, Germany, in the late 19th century, portraying the same character as a salt shaker.

See the permanent exhibition at Yad Vashem Museum in Jerusalem in the section displaying antisemitic items. The same figure also appears in Anti Judischer Nippes und populare Judenbilder by Falk Wiesemann, 2006, catalog item 115.

Size: 9×6×7 cm. Peeling on the front. Good condition.

Antisemitic ashtray in the form of a bearded Jew with a long nose and distorted facial features, clutching his fat belly. Brown ceramic. Europe, 20th century. No maker’s mark. Rare.

12×10 cm. Height: 6 cm. Very good condition.

Antisemitic bottle opener made of copper – FAGIN [‘the Jew’]. Europe, 19th century.

The character of Fagin presented as a Jewish criminal and leader of a gang of child pickpockets is taken from the novel ‘Oliver Twist’ by Charles Dickens [published in 1838], the stereotypical character appears in the book as a Jew in ragged clothing and disheveled hair. In the novel, Fagin is described in the vilest terms as an evil, scheming villain who teaches children how to steal, and is mentioned many times not by his first name but by the epithet “the Jew”. The character was accepted throughout Europe in various forms as a typical derogatory character of the scheming, threating Jewish pickpocket against the local population.

See a similar example in “Anti Judischer Nippes und populare Judenbilder” by Falk Wiesemann 2006, catalog item 182.

Size: 9×8 cm. Good condition.